Showing posts with label wealthy donors. Show all posts
Showing posts with label wealthy donors. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 6, 2016

Corrupt Establishment is increasingly prepared to lose with Cruz than hand the party to Trump


GOP elites line up behind Ted Cruz

Publishers Commentary
Establishment is increasingly prepared to lose with Cruz than hand the party to Trump.
Wisconsin voters were fooled by the elite super pacs, by a handful of wealthy donors and lobbyist who want to see nothing in the gop change,America can only hope that in up comming elections the voters will not be so ignorant of the facts as those in Wisconsin! A vote for ted cruz or john kasich is a vote for a brokered convention (This means the elite who have tricked you out of voting for Trump can the choose whoever they like ) "ONE THING YOU CAN BE SURE OF IT WILL NOT BE TED CRUZ OR DONALD TRUMP" Why "Because the gop establishment don't really care about winning the office of the president " The would prefer to have everything just as it has been for the past few years! Than is claim to support conservative causes, but when it comes down to  a vote (Vote with the democrats) The republicans have been telling us ,give us a majority in the house and senate and we will stop illegal immigration , we will repeal obamacare,we will de fund planned parrenthood ! This was all bull shit,  nothing but corrupt gop establishment lies! These are the people backing Ted Cruz because they know he has to have their money and they can control him!  
PLEASE DON'T BE FOOLED WITH THE SAME OLD BULL SHIT THAT HAS US IN THE MESS WE ARE IN!

OFFICIAL ARTICAL
Republican elders, desperate to stop Donald Trump, are increasingly convinced they would rather forfeit the White House than hand their party to the divisive Manhattan billionaire.
That’s why the party’s establishment is suddenly rallying behind Ted Cruz, a man they’ve long despised and who has little chance, in the view of many GOP veterans, of defeating Hillary Clinton on Election Day.
“People think we’re not going to win in November anymore. All the candidates that had a shot at winning don’t appear to have a shot at winning the nomination. Everyone is resigned to that,” said a high-ranking GOP operative about the thinking among Jeb Bush and Marco Rubio alums as well as Republican party officials and big-money donors.
“People think we lose with Cruz, but we don’t lose everything,” said the operative, who opposes Trump and asked to speak anonymously. “He’s still a real Republican. We don’t lose the House and Senate with Cruz. We don’t lose our soul as a party and we can recover in four years and I’m not sure people think we can recover from Donald Trump.”
Said one high-level operative inside the Koch network: “He’s the devil you know.”
Indeed, many establishment Republicans would rather lose with Cruz and play a long 2020 game than risk having their party and conservative principles hijacked by Trump—a candidate they do not trust even as they recognize his political dexterity and the possibility that he could be just cagey enough to win on Election Day.
“Donald Trump is a centrist,” said Ron Kaufman, a close ally of Mitt Romney and Bush who lives in Massachusetts. “You may not like him, but policy-wise he’s a centrist. He’s between Cruz and Kasich. If Donald Trump is the nominee, he’ll be far more centrist in language than he has been.”
Trump’s repeated requests for the party to recognize the new voters he has drawn into the Republican fold and embrace the possibilities of his candidacy have yet to convince most establishment figures; many are taking steps to emphasize their still implicit opposition to him.
On Wednesday, Paul Ryan used a 30-minute speech to argue against Trump’s brand of divisive identity politics without mentioning the candidate by name, urging the country to “stay unified” and dismissing the notion “that we’re going to win the election by dividing people.” Meanwhile, a top RNC official was meeting privately with several high-level anti-Trump activists to explain what an open convention might look like.
And on Monday, Our Principles PAC, a group founded by establishment donors to oppose Trump, sent a tracker to shoot video footage of members of Congress showing up to meet with Trump in an effort to intimidate more rank-and-file Republicans from showing any openness to his candidacy. Suddenly, the party establishment, which has long been stymied by the Tea Party movement’s demands of ideological purity, now has its own litmus test in Trump, demanding nothing less than rejection of the current front-runner for the GOP’s presidential nomination.
“No one thought we would be here at this time,” said Austin Barbour, who ran Rick Perry’s super PAC until he quit last year and then backed Bush until he, too, quit, and is now casting his lot with Cruz.
The unifying factor among the establishment Republicans now begrudgingly coalescing behind Cruz is a deep, visceral revulsion to Trump: to his divisive demagoguery that is so unmoored from traditional conservative ideology and, many believe, the party’s and country’s bedrock values. It has little to do with Cruz, who has simply done better than anyone else in the first two months of the nomination process.
“He's earned the right to be the alternative to Trump. So he has a better chance to build a coalition to stop Trump in Cleveland,” said Bruce Haynes, a GOP operative in Washington.
Establishment Republicans, who have re-channeled their efforts on behalf of Bush and Rubio into an eleventh-hour campaign to stop Trump, have some reasons to be optimistic about their plan—if they look hard enough.
There is Ted Cruz’s formidable data program and organizational infrastructure that, when married to the RNC’s state-based program come fall, could give the GOP its best turnout program in several cycles. There are polls showing Cruz doing better than Trump in a hypothetical November matchup against Clinton. And there is the notion that Trump, should he sit atop the GOP ticket in November, could jeopardize Republican control of both the Senate and even the House.
Many GOP donors fighting Trump “believe the damage Hillary can do is mitigated by holding onto the House and Senate,” another GOP operative said.
But only some Republicans who are now aligning behind Cruz are fully engaged in this magical thinking. They know they are simply choosing between two candidates who support a border wall. Cruz, who rails against “amnesty,” is viewed favorably by only a quarter of Hispanic voters. On Tuesday following the terrorist attacks in Belgium, it was Cruz who called for increased patrols of Muslim neighborhoods.
And no amount of feigned enthusiasm from these sudden Cruz converts can cover up their resignation. Most casual political observers know that Cruz only stopped being a pariah to the Republican establishment when it became clear he was the GOP’s last chance to stop Trump.
By endorsing Cruz, Romney, Lindsey Graham and now Bush are giving definition to the “anyone” in “Anyone But Trump” movement. And Scott Walker, who hinted at a Cruz endorsement in a pre-taped radio interview broadcast Wednesday, is set to make it official in the coming days, according to a source with knowledge of the Wisconsin governor’s plans. “Senator Cruz is the only one who’s got a chance, other than Donald Trump, to win the nomination,” Walker told WTMJ radio host Charlie Sykes earlier this week.
The irony is thick.
Bush, who couldn’t nudge a conservative base back to the political center—a base that Cruz and other firebrands have driven farther to the right with their demands of ideological purity and willingness to fight anyone who breaks ranks—came above ground Wednesday, a month after ending his doomed campaign, to suffer one last public indignity in endorsing Cruz, a first-term senator whose legacy of filibustering and forcing government shutdowns the wonky, pragmatic former Florida governor offered up in contrast to his own style.
This is the same Ted Cruz his brother, former president George W. Bush, told donors at a campaign fundraiser last summer he simply didn’t like—the same Ted Cruz who bears much responsibility for bringing the Republican Party to this point.
In his four years in the Senate, Cruz leveraged conservative media to make impossible promises to a base—repealing Obamacare, blocking increases to the debt limit—that he would later convince to blame his party’s failures on an establishment that was too eager to roll over.
In his 12 months on the campaign trail, Cruz spent nearly all of last year sucking up to Trump, legitimizing his unconventional campaign with base conservatives as Bush and others were beginning to take him on, inviting him to share the stage at a rally against the Iran nuclear deal and being content to draft off the anti-establishment fervor the businessman was stirring up.
Oddly enough, Bush’s endorsement served as fodder Wednesday afternoon for Trump, who, in 140 gleeful characters, pointed out the phoniness and transactional nature of the career politicians he’s running against while insulting them at the same time.
“Low energy Jeb Bush just endorsed a man he truly hates, Lyin’ Ted Cruz. Honestly, I can’t blame Jeb in that I drove him into oblivion!”

Monday, February 22, 2016

GOP ESTABLISHMENT PUSHING RUBIO The Establishment Isn’t Resigned to Donal Trump Yet

The GOP Establishment
 Still pushing anyone but trump,the establishment candidate has  become rubio! Rubio now has all the big money backers,all trying to buy a piece of influence , thats the problem with a establishment candidate,they owe the donors and do not stand and fight for the conservatives who elected them! The GOP Establishment has repeatedly failed to stand their ground on the issues, they cave to the liberal agenda, always failing to prevent the liberal agenda from going forward!



160125_POL_Trump


Over the past week or so, a belief has begun to gain real traction that the Republican Party “establishment” has warmed to the possibility of Donald Trump as its presidential nominee. This is predicated on the scenario that the nomination comes down to Trump and Sen. Ted Cruz, whom Republican leaders personally dislike and consider unelectable to boot.

A central figure in the Trump-acceptance movement is former presidential nominee and Senate majority leader Bob Dole, the erstwhile Republican establishment standard-bearer who is now just another elderly person in Kansas. Dole, the New York Times reports, warned of “cataclysmic” and “wholesale losses” if Cruz wins the nomination. Trump, by contrast, could stop Cruz, and if he wins the general election, could “probably work with Congress, because he’s, you know, he’s got the right personality and he’s kind of a deal-maker.”
nomination. Trump, by contrast, could stop Cruz, and if he wins the general election, could “probably work with Congress, because he’s, you know, he’s got the right personality and he’s kind of a deal-maker.”
Is this really how they feel? Or is it just a means of stopping the immediate problem: an Iowa victory for Cruz, who led the state’s polling just long enough to solidify the conventional wisdom that he needs to win it?
To me, this is very likely a feint from establishment Republicans for one important reason: They don’t directly address Trump’s electability, which, like Cruz’s, remains poor. General-election–matchup polling this early comes with many caveats—the fact that the general-election campaign is still six months away, notably. And we should expect that the instant Trump were to win the nomination, he would move to rebrand himself as a lifelong pro-choice feminist Latino. But those early matchup numbers are still awful—and worse than Cruz’s—because Trump has gone to great lengths to viscerally alienate so many demographic groups and has certain ... let’s say, temperament issues.
It may be that members of the Republican establishment, in their trolling of Cruz, don’t address Trump’s own electability because they recognize it for what it is. “Of course, this willingness to accommodate Mr. Trump is driven in part by the fact that few among the Republican professional class believe he would win a general election,” the New York Times reported in a separate piece about the establishment’s supposed détente with the mogul. “In their minds it would be better to effectively rent the party to Mr. Trump for four months this fall, through the general election, than risk turning it over to Mr. Cruz for at least four years, as either the president or the next-in-line leader for the 2020 nomination.”
There’s the tell. Are we really to think that the Republican Party establishment has already come to terms with losing this election? The purpose of the Republican Party establishment is not primarily ideological; it is to win elections for the Republican Party so that the Republican Party will have more ability to do the bidding of the interest groups that prop it up. If the establishment was already prepared to lose the election, they’d be better off going with Cruz to at least scratch the conservative movement’s itch for one of their own as the nominee in order to prove that this path won’t actually work.
In reality, the Republican establishment wants to win this election. I don’t want to give GOP elites too much credit now, given how incompetently they’ve managed the cycle so far, but it looks like they’re making an honest-to-goodness “play” here. Some might even call it a “strategy.” The most appropriate term, though, would be “moonshot.”
Their first objective is to take out Cruz. That means stopping him in Iowa. If he loses Iowa, a narrative sets in about how he blew it, and he might then finish out of the top three in New Hampshire. From there, he would likely not be able to make the dominant sweep through the South over the next month that his delegate strategy requires. If we look at Cruz’s Iowa trend line over the past week as he’s been taking incoming fire from all sides, it seems that this part of the plan is working.
The second objective, and a much longer-term one, is to take out Trump. Trump’s Iowa win would likely ice his New Hampshire victory. But if Cruz’s Iowa loss takes him out of the running for second place in New Hampshire, that silver medal would likely go to Sen. Marco Rubio, Jeb Bush, Gov. John Kasich, or Gov. Chris Christie. Rubio would seem to have the edge following a likely third-place Iowa finish that Bush’s super PAC has been trying so hard to deny him. And if Rubio finished second in New Hampshire, the other three establishment-acceptable candidates who’ve pinned their hopes on New Hampshire would face overwhelming pressure to drop out. Rubio consolidates that voting bloc, holds his water against Trump through the South, scoops up the larger, more moderate winner-take-all states beginning March 15, becomes the nominee, and crushes Hillary Clinton by a trillion electoral votes.
Do you spot the flaw? It is found in the screaming disconnect between these two ideas: We are talking about a strategy that cedes Trump the long sought Iowa–New Hampshire double and a dozen or so additional states over the course of a month …and then bets on Trump losing the nomination. And losing it, at that, to someone like Rubio or Bush. Does the Republican establishment, after seeing all that it’s seen so far this cycle, still operate under the impression that Trump would lose in a head-to-head matchup to either Rubio or Bush, something directly contradicted by recent polling?

A9

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